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Center for Local and State Solutions
Other Resources--Neal Peirce Column

Category: Article (Journal or Newspaper)
Jurisdiction:
City/County Government, International
Management Issues:
Catalytic Government, Community Based Strategies, Community/Economic Development
Policy Area:
Cities/Counties
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NEAL PEIRCE COLUMN
For Release Sunday December 29, 2002

COMMITTED FOUNDATIONS:
SMART GROWTH'S ACE IN THE HOLE

Will America's sprawl-fighting smart growth movement turn out to be a flash in the pan? Will it subside as championing governors leave office? Will the field be left open to helter-skelter big box stores, strip malls and suburban expansion roads?

It could happen. Maryland's Gov. Parris Glendening, smart growth's most eloquent spokesman, steps down Jan. 15. Economic hard times may press his successor and other state and local officials to embrace any development idea thrust before them.

But don't count on smart growth to go away.

First, it's picking up potentially strong new backing from such incoming governors as Republican Mitt Romney of Massachusetts and Democrat Jennifer Granholm of Michigan.

Even more significant, since 1999 a grassroots support system for smart growth has formed, with backing from some of the country's most influential foundations -- Surdna, MacArthur, Irvine, Turner, Ford, Packard and others.

Known as the Funders' Network for Smart Growth and Livable Communities, it now operates in every region of the country -- indeed it's performed a dozen regional assessments of smart growth goals, strengths and strategies, involving 31 states, some 500 leaders and 40 foundations.

The idea from the start, explains Benjamin Starrett, the network's founding executive director, has been to show the intimate cause-and-effect relation of ill-planned growth and social inequity. As sprawl delivers mounting traffic congestion, imperiling farmland, open spaces and wetlands, the critics say it inevitably triggers urban disinvestment, flight of jobs from cities, and diminished opportunity for the poor.

Starrett himself had been a Florida state government official who helped develop the Eastward Ho! initiative that sought to protect the Everglades while helping less fortunate residents of the Miami-Fort Lauderdale-Palm Beach corridor by coaxing jobs and development back towards denser population pockets near the ocean.

Inevitably, liberal and centrist foundations found the Funders' merger of environmental and social issues highly attractive. Starrett believes the Funders' support has enabled the network to start matching conservative foundations' earlier and heavier funding of libertarian and right-oriented think tanks and advocacy groups.

Just a month ago, some 650 people met in Los Angeles for a "Promoting Regional Equity" summit cosponsored by the Network and a Group known as PolicyLink, focused specifically on organizing urban/core inner ring alliances to break racial and economic segregation. Over half the participants were people of color.

The network has sought to give smart growth a firm intellectual base through 10 papers on topics ranging from smart growth's role in transportation reform to its implications for biodiversity and environments for America's aging. Its founders worry a little now about some foundations (Hewlett and Kauffman, for example) picking new priority areas. But they see billions flowing into philanthropy in the next years, with a strong potential share for smart growth causes.

The Funders' Network has built strong ties with groups ranging the Brookings Institution to the Alliance for Regional Stewardship. Its next major goal: to undergird smart growth groups in metro regions, states or even multi-state regions.

Starrett notes with enthusiasm, for example, strong New England-based smart growth movements, especially in Rhode Island, New Hampshire, Massachusetts and Vermont. Vermont's Smart Growth Collaborative -- an alliance of 10 organizations ranging from the Vermont Forum on Sprawl to the Preservation Trust of Vermont -- was coaxed into existence by family funds and foundations anxious to stem development that's rapidly consuming Vermont's picturesque rural countryside. Starrett encouraged the experiment.

With coordinated foundation financing and a mutually agreed-on work plan, the 10 Vermont groups seem positioned to make a major impact on their state. They got the legislature to approve expanded incentives for development focused on downtowns and village centers (including residences on upper floors of town stores). To make allies of developers and overcome overly-negative opposition from neighborhood "NIMBYs", they are preparing to endorse and support housing projects that are well-placed in city and town locations and include a share of affordable units.

Perhaps most significant of all, the Vermont Collaborative is readying a "report card" to show how well -- or poorly -- a host of state spending and regulation policies match smart growth priorities. "People really care about Vermont's rural landscape," says Conservation Law Foundation leader Mark Sinclair. He predicts that chapter and verse on how state government is expending sewer, water, school and road monies -- often "to convert our farmlands into subdivisions" -- will anger citizens and spur "public watchdogging" of state agencies.

Using their report card data, the Vermont Collaboration partners plan aggressive lobbying of the legislature. Some partners would like to go further -- lodging lawsuits to stop legally questionable, sprawling roads and development. That's one issue the group has yet to agree on.

As the Vermont Smart Growth Collaborative matures, it raises a critical question: if 50 states had parallel ventures, wouldn't smart growth initiatives and protections multiply across America?

My guess is yes -- whether governors and state bureaucracies start out friendly to smart growth goals or not.

Supplemental Information to Peirce Column for December 29, 2002

  • The critical issue for the smart growth movement, says Funders' Network leader Ben Starrett, is choice in the residential communities that will available for the projected 60 million new Americans by 2020. Starrett cites USC research, funded by his Network, predicting the demand for more dense housing will double, with close to half the population, by 2015, preferring more urbane, diverse housing choices. But the market, he notes, is only providing a tiny percentage that way right now -- even as "housing prices fly through the roof" in higher quality neighborhoods across the country. The smart growth movement can't and won't, Starrett suggests, curb future demand from the half of Americans who'll likely still want a large lot and not mind a long commute. (Let them have their choice "as long as government money doesn't subsidize them," he suggests). The smart growth movement, Starrett believes, needs to focus its efforts on expanding future choices for the other half -- people who'll be searching for quality, pedestrian-oriented urban neighborhoods with varieties of housing and transportation choices (either in retrofitted older neighborhoods or new developments planned with more compact, New Urbanist-like principles).
  • Starrett suggests that tangles with conservative or libertarian groups, for example backers of the "Preserving the American Dream of Mobility and Homeownership" conference that's scheduled for Washington in February, should be undertaken by Smart Growth America or other advocacy groups. "They're field leaders; we are a funders' organization."
  • The Vermont Smart Growth Collaborative had an interesting birth. Originally private philanthropists including Paul Growald and Eileen Rockefeller Growald (the Growald Family Fund), upset by rampant sprawl in Chittenden County (Burlington), commissioned a study on which Vermont environmental organizations were doing what to curb the trend. The diagnostic, by Peter Stein (Lyme Timber Co., formerly Trust for Public Land) and Ann Fowler Wallace (lead New England environmental writer), found overlapping and ill-coordinated efforts -- but also major possible synergies. In autumn 2000 several funders and Vermont's lead environmental organizations met and the Vermont Smart Growth Collaborative was launched. Among them: the Vermont Forum on Sprawl (Beth Humstone), Conservation Law Foundation (Mark Sinclair), Association of Vermont Conservation Commissions, Friends of the Earth, Preservation Trust of Vermont, Vermont Businesses for Social Responsibility, Vermont Health Foundation, Vermont Natural Resources Council, Vermont Public Interest Research Group. The first-year budget was $368,000, from the Ittleson Foundation, Jessie Cox Trust, John Merck Fund, Growald Family Fund, Argosy Foundation and Kelsey Trust.
  • There's little doubt that the Vermont Collaborative has made a nationally significant breakthrough in getting groups to define their specialities, share their divergent skills, devise a shared statewide strategy, and hold each other accountable for results. But not without some rough spots -- organizational conflicts, disagreements on how to spend limited funds, disagreements on how soon or whether to resort to litigation, according to Humstone and Sinclair. The Collaborative believes its stands will save unneeded government infrastructure spending and is anxious to add more business supporters. But its opposition to a major circumferential road around Burlington, heavily supported by IBM, Vermont's largest employer, may complicate private sector recruitment.
  • Vermont smart growth leaders believe their Collaborative is a model applicable across New England, and indeed the U.S. They'll present its case at the national meeting of the Growth Management Leadership Alliance, scheduled in Vermont in October 2003. In the meantime, notes Ben Starrett, parallel efforts have begun in Ohio, New Hampshire, Maine, Rhode Island and elsewhere.
 

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